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  • Taking habits into consideration Hodgson

    2018-10-23

    Taking habits into consideration, Hodgson (1998) defines the Veblenian concept of habit as a largely non-deliberative and self-actuating propensity to engage in a previously adopted pattern of inner impulse–good relationship. It is important to highlight the difference between habit and repetition, as well as the distinction among these concepts and behavior. A habit is a form of self-sustaining and non-reflective inner impulse–good relationship that arises in repetitive situations, but it is not the repetition itself (Hodgson, 2004c; see also Dewey, 1921). Habits are formed through repetition; they are influenced by prior activity and have durable and self-sustaining qualities (Hodgson, 2002b). Neither does habit mean thought or behavior; rather it is a propensity to think or behave in particular ways in specific situations, which also culminates in specific inner impulse–good relationships. Since habits may exist even if not manifested, they could be dormant for long periods. Habits are potential thoughts or behavior that end in the association between inner impulses and goods, triggered by an appropriate order GW 610 or context (Hodgson, 2002b, 2004c). Veblen focused more intensely on habits of thought and their consequences for behavior. Moreover, with regard to socialization, Veblen proposed that history, that is, what people lived, saw, and taught about the past, is a feature of modern civilizations. Consequently, contemporary communities have a historically established system of habits of thought. This can be understood as branches of learning. What goods mean and how to use them are subjects of individual comprehension through institutions (Veblen, 1899, 1906, 1909). The central issue in Veblen\'s theory is that sociability mediates the establishment of inner impulse–good relationships. For Veblen (1909, 1919), each new situation is a variation of what has gone before. A change of standards is gradual and almost never order GW 610 entirely substitutes a previous standard, once accepted. It is a cumulative process of institutional change (Veblen, 1899, 1909). Thus, this cumulative process assists the building of inner impulse–good relationships. In Veblen\'s theory, inner impulse–good relationships play the role of an instinct. This is the reason Veblen\'s instincts are different to inner impulses. Veblen\'s intention to address inner impulse–good relationships as instincts is associated with the fact that the conspicuous consumer perceives the impulse to behave (of the Veblenian instinct) as an inner impulse. However, institutions of the external world are part of these Veblenian instincts. In addition, Veblen (1899) stressed a specific kind of instinct that motivates the conspicuous consumer to behave, namely, instinct of workmanship. Furthermore, Veblen (1899) highlighted the institution that builds the conspicuous consumer\'s instinct of workmanship, namely, the leisure class. Next, Section 3 introduces the importance of the leisure class to the development of Veblenian instincts, particularly the instinct of workmanship. Here, it is possible to analyze the place of pleasure and displeasure in Veblen\'s conspicuous consumer approach.
    Leisure class, instinct of workmanship, and pleasure institutionally developed Section 2 stressed that, for Veblen, there is a cumulative process that is part of developed societies and is expressed in habits and related institutions. Hence, society\'s historicity is expressed in its institutions. Veblen (1899) stressed a particular type of institution as extremely important for the establishment of inner impulse–good relationships: the upper socio-economic class, particularly in material terms, namely, the leisure class. According to Veblen (1899), the leisure class can be found in its most developed form in modern societies, where distinctions among classes are observed clearly as a result of employment differences. As highlighted by Veblen (1899), upper classes are by custom exempt or excluded from industrial occupations, and instead are used exclusively for certain kinds of employment that are associated with a degree of honor. Status is intrinsic to being considered part of the upper class or even the leisure class. Tasks, situations, and objects that are components of the leisure class become powerful signs of status. The institution of the leisure class is an outcome of discriminating between what is worthy and what is not (Veblen, 1899).